Stonewall riots

Following World War II, a national emphasis on anti-communism morphed into a broader "security risk" paranoia. The U.S. State Department targeted gay men and lesbians under the theory that their "perversion" made them unstable and susceptible to blackmail. Between 1947 and 1950, thousands were denied jobs or discharged from the military based solely on suspected homosexuality.

This state-sponsored persecution was reinforced by the medical community. In 1952, the American Psychiatric Association officially listed homosexuality as a mental disorder. While researchers like Evelyn Hooker proved there was no psychological difference between heterosexual and homosexual men, her findings were largely ignored by a legal system that performed "sweeps" of parks and bars to rid cities of "subversives."

Before the 1969 riots, organizations like the Mattachine Society and the Daughters of Bilitis sought social acceptance by proving that gay people could be "normal" members of society. They favored non-confrontational education and conservative dress codes, often distancing themselves from more visible or "radical" members of the community, such as drag queens or transgender individuals.

While these groups achieved some legal milestones—most notably a 1958 Supreme Court ruling that allowed a gay magazine to be sent through the mail—their polite approach struggled to gain traction against escalating police violence. By the late 1960s, the influence of the civil rights movement and anti-war demonstrations began to push a younger generation toward more assertive resistance.

Because the New York State Liquor Authority frequently revoked licenses for establishments that served "disorderly" (gay) patrons, legitimate business owners stayed away. This allowed organized crime to step in. The Stonewall Inn was owned by the Mafia; they watered down the liquor and overcharged customers, but they also paid off the police to prevent frequent raids.

The Stonewall was unique because it catered to the most marginalized members of the gay community: homeless youth, hustlers, and the "street queens" who were often unwelcome in more upscale gay bars. This demographic had the least to lose, making them the most likely to resist when the fragile peace between the Mafia and the NYPD finally collapsed.

Police raids on gay bars were routine, but they typically followed a script: they occurred on weeknights when crowds were small, and the Mafia owners were usually tipped off in advance. On June 28, 1969, the NYPD deviated from this pattern. They raided the Stonewall Inn late on a Friday night without warning, targeting the bar when its capacity was at its highest.

The expected submission of the patrons failed to materialize. Instead of dispersing, the crowd stayed and grew, incited by the sight of police using force against marginalized individuals. Tensions that had been simmering for decades—fueled by political scapegoating and vigilante attacks—erupted into several nights of protests that fundamentally shifted the movement's tactics from "sip-ins" to street rebellion.

The riots served as a catalyst for a new, more militant phase of activism. Within weeks of the uprising, New York City residents organized into activist groups that abandoned the goal of "blending in." They launched publications and organizations that spoke openly about rights and identity, replacing the quiet "homophile" era with the "Gay Liberation" movement.

One year after the riots, the first "Gay Pride" marches were held in several U.S. cities to commemorate the anniversary. These demonstrations have since evolved into an annual global tradition held every June. In 2016, the site was designated as the Stonewall National Monument, cementing a spontaneous bar fight as the definitive turning point in the struggle for LGBTQ civil rights.