Manufacturing Consent

Herman and Chomsky argue that U.S. mass media are not independent watchdogs but rather "effective and powerful ideological institutions." Instead of being controlled by a central government ministry, the media carries out a propaganda function through market forces, internalized assumptions, and the professional "common sense" of journalists. The result is a system that supports the status quo while maintaining the appearance of a free press.

The title itself is a nod to Walter Lippmann’s 1922 concept of the "manufacture of consent," suggesting that in a democracy where the public cannot be controlled by force, their minds must be controlled by propaganda. By narrowing the range of "acceptable" opinion, the media ensures that the interests of the elite—large corporations and the government—are rarely challenged in a meaningful way.

The core of the book is the Propaganda Model, which identifies five specific pressures that shape the news before it reaches the public. The first two are purely economic: the massive size and profit-orientation of media firms (which align them with corporate interests) and their total dependence on advertising revenue, which gives advertisers a "de facto licensing authority" over what content is commercially viable.

The remaining filters involve the mechanics of newsgathering. Media outlets rely on subsidized sourcing from "routine" providers like the Pentagon or corporate PR departments to keep costs low, granting these powerful entities privileged access. If a journalist steps out of line, they face "flak"—organized negative responses like lawsuits or complaints. Finally, a common enemy (originally Anti-Communism, now often the "War on Terror") serves as a social control mechanism to marginalize any voice that threatens dominant interests.

Herman and Chomsky describe society as a tiered pyramid where media organizations are actually the most vulnerable layer. Because news outlets are expensive to run, they are functionally dependent on the layers above them for both money and information. Business firms provide the advertising dollars and the "expert" data, while the government provides the ultimate legal and financial stability.

This hierarchy creates a "sourcing subsidy" where the most powerful institutions effectively write the news by being the only ones with the resources to provide "ready-to-print" stories. Small or non-routine sources struggle for access and are often ignored by "gatekeepers" who view them as less credible or too expensive to vet. This ensures that the perspective of the wealthiest subgroups becomes the default reality for the masses.

The book’s origins are as contentious as its thesis. Edward Herman, a finance professor, provided the original framework, while linguist Noam Chomsky brought his expertise in political analysis. Their earlier collaboration in 1973 was suppressed by a publisher who deliberately put the book out of print and destroyed copies to prevent its distribution. This experience reinforced their theory that the market itself can be a tool of censorship.

The Propaganda Model has proven remarkably resilient despite the fall of the Soviet Union and the rise of the internet. In later revisions, the authors noted that while the "Anti-Communist" filter was the original fifth pillar, it has been seamlessly replaced by the "War on Terror" and other "fuzzy" concepts. These ideologies continue to mobilize the populace against perceived enemies, proving that the structural mechanics of consent-manufacturing are more important than the specific bogeyman of the day.